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APPENDIX II. UDW: TRANSFORMATION FROM BELOW?

"The Transformation of UDW," by Ashwin Desai and Vishnu Padayachee, COMSA News 2.1 (November 1990), University of Durban-Westville.

1. This university, like many other universities in South Africa, was "the product of a totalitarian plan created by the architects of apartheid to ensure white racial domination and the perpetuation of capitalism" (Morrell 1989).

2. Undemocratic
In order to give effect to these objectives, it became necessary to retain power in a highly centralized and bureaucratized form. In addition, positions on these fundamentally undemocratic structures were filled by resolute, conservative individuals who were willing to use their power to thwart any movement of a progressive nature.
The period since August 1989 has been characterized by some of the most dramatic events in world history. One fundamental thread which runs through these developments has been the call and active struggle for the democratization of all aspects of social and political life; totalitarian regimes of the left and right have fallen victim to this democratic revolution brought about by mass action, in central and eastern Europe and elsewhere.

3. Winds of Change
The winds of democratic change are also slowly penetrating through Africa; and South Africa since February 2 [release of Mandela--Ed] has set off hesitatingly on this road.
Despite these global and national developments and the election of a new Vice- Chancellor (whose personal commitment to democratizing UDW is undisputed), the university unfortunately continues to reflect many of the realities of its historical legacy--of its undemocratic past.

4. Authoritarian Tradition
One of these realities is an authoritarian tradition of decision-making, in terms of which nearly all power is vested in (the still predominantly conservative membership of) the Council, and the Vice-Chancellor, as the Chief Executive Officer of the University.

5. Excluded
What this has meant is that other constituencies of the university are excluded from effective participation in decision-making which affects their daily life. A second reality is that the principle of accountability, so intrinsic to the democratic tradition, and which has never been "very deeply rooted in the culture of rights in South Africa" (Asmal 1990), has no place at UDW either.

6. Tempting Option
Ironically, the centralization of power that these realities imply, at least in theory, makes it relatively easy to wrest control of the university if, as has happened at Fort Hare [most famous of the HBUs, Mandela's old college--Ed], these powerful structures are captured by progressives. However tempting such an option may be it is not one which we should pin our hopes on, or one we should emulate in a narrow sense; for the strategy of replacing conservatives by progressives, by itself, leaves the fundamentally unequal and "undemocratic" structures intact. Thoroughgoing transformation therefore requires, in addition, fundamental structural change . . .
Unashamedly racist practices of appointment and promotion were replaced by technicist regulations based on "merit," but the power of the conservative, bureaucratized selection committees remain intact. Participation by junior staff, by students and others, at any level, is either heavily proscribed or totally absent.

7. COMSA's Role
COMSA has played a central role in the gradual transformation of UDW. It was crucially involved in the efforts to elect a progressive Vice-Chancellor and the struggles that COMSA and the SRC [Student Representative Council--Ed] engaged in over the last few years opened the spaces that made the election of a new Vice-Chancellor possible. In the absence of such struggles there would have been little pressure on Council to appoint someone progressive.

8. Campaign
COMSA was also involved more directly . . . The successful candidate, Prof. Reddy, also cut his teeth in UDW politics via his enormous and active participation in COMSA. It was in part through COMSA that Prof. Reddy's qualities were made known to UDW and the wider community . . .

9. New Era
Many staff members long cowed into submission by the old guard emerged from out of the closet, dusted their fading progressive clothing and saluted the dawn of a new era . . .

10. New Challenges Raise New Problems
. . . COMSA's orientation to the old regime was (correctly) one of unrelenting opposition . . . With a new Vice-Chancellor in place we need to reassess our strategy. Our problem is that large segments of the old regime remain intact and powerful. And COMSA itself was in need of fundamental restructuring. For a short time participation in COMSA was the preserve of a few people. Caught up in the struggle against the Rectorate and constantly having to respond to crises on campus, mandates and accountability, the essential features of democracy, were unfortunately sidelined. COMSA was reduced to its Executive and it became a reactive, rather than a dynamic and pro-active, association. It is significant that despite these difficulties COMSA grew, from 500 in 1986 to over 800 presently.

11. The Restructuring of COMSA
. . . [At] a series of workshops to address these issues . . . the most important general points that emerged from these intensive discussions were that:
(1). Too much power was vested in the executive . . .
(2). The sub-committees that were set up in 1986 were inappropriate to address the tasks facing us in 1990 . . . The new sub-committees . . . are: Administrative, Academic, "Technical and Services," Labor, Gender, Transformation, Funding, Social, Educare.
. . . There was a high degree of participation in these elections [for sub-committees], much enthusiasm, and many new people were elected onto the sub-committees.

12. A New Strategy for Transformation
It is our view that participation in efforts to transform UDW must be entered into in a qualified way. Where the general momentum towards a more open, democratic, non-sexist and non-racial university could be strengthened then COMSA must grasp these opportunities. In other words we must strengthen the hand of the Vice-Chancellor to push for progressive change. But there will remain issues over which COMSA and the management (including the Vice- Chancellor) will disagree, and that is why it is imperative that we do not collapse ourselves (inadvertently) into these management structures.

13. New Difficulties Ahead
COMSA faces some difficulties in the present conjuncture. The forces of reaction are still powerful, if no longer hegemonic. How we are able to gel the politics of participation and partnership (on the one hand) with the politics of opposition (on the other) will be crucial in determining our capacity to mount a serious challenge to the remaining bastions of reaction . . .

14. Conclusion
A new university awaits. A University devoid of nepotism, fear, harassment, etc. A university committed to academic excellence and one which takes seriously its location in the current social, economic and political conjuncture in a transforming South Africa. We believe that COMSA, drawing on its strong tradition of struggle, has the flexibility and commitment to meet the challenges ahead, in the support of this goal of a new UDW!


Appendix 1
In Ignota Harena: The Global Workplace from Below
Works Cited