|
Steal This University:
The Rise of the Corporate University and the Academic Labor Movement
2. The 13 essays are organized into three sections: "The Rise of the Corporate University," "Laboring Within," and "Organizing." The call to action of the final section indicates that not all is despair and gloom, although the first two sections deliver enough bad news that the third can't help but improve prospects. While a few of the essays are of the now-familiar "one semester in the life of an adjunct" horror-story genre, the majority are excellent diagnostic studies of the corporatization of the university (in both labor practices and intellectual life) and the resistance to these trends by labor movements and courageous individuals. Several of the essays are truly groundbreaking and indispensable to anyone interested in the contemporary university and academic labor. In one of the best, the well-researched and cuttingly effective "None of Your Business: The Rise of the University of Phoenix and For-Profit Education," Ana Marie Cox shreds the free-market rhetoric of "efficiencies" at the University of Phoenix, demonstrating how the school exists as a parasite on the public university system. Like too many private industries, Phoenix eats from the public trough while decrying government regulation, using public money to create profits that it could never attain with only the meager resources it devotes to its programs. Despite its claims of being uniquely cost-effective, Phoenix's real operating model uses clever marketing and insider connections to inflate its educational reputation and dramatically overcharge its students, extracting a full-service tuition for a fast-food education. It possesses none of the infrastructure, libraries, or qualified instructors that make public institutions more than worth their cost, yet it has managed to successfully market itself to corporate customers, Wall Street, and Congress with frightening effectiveness. Cox untangles the false logic of Phoenix CEO John Sperling, a slick free-marketeer whose hypocritical paeans to private industry should have long ago been revealed for the self-serving fictions they are. 3. The
most disturbing section of Cox's essay is her description of student complacency
in the face of this "just-in-time" educational model. If students and
the public buy into the marketing schemes that advertise this kind of
slipshod vocational training as a real education, and Phoenix's corporate
connections supply an adequate percentage of these students with jobs
(many are already employed), the emptiness of the actual education might
not become apparent until a generation of students is short-changed by
the for-profits. At Phoenix, education not only becomes a commodity, it
becomes "as disposable as paper plates and Ikea furniture" (27). Cox points
out the advantages of this as a business plan: "What are you
going to do when your training becomes out of date? Well, go out and buy
some more, of course" (27). As Cox puts it, "Phoenix has done 4. In
the second section, two of the best-publicized cases of union busting
in higher education are recounted. Corey Robin's story of the Yale grade
strike and its aftermath and professor Joel Westheimer's account of his
ongoing battle with NYU over his retaliatory firing for labor activism
provide enough examples of appalling behavior by administrators and faculty
to make any reader's blood boil. 5. While
reams have now been written about the Yale strike, Robin's analysis of
the Yale psyche—the combined effect of a powerful work ethic, individual
achievement, and assumed privilege—is the most insightful explanation
yet for why so many nominally liberal professors take leave of all self-awareness
and intellectual coherence when faced with what they perceive as a challenge
to their authority. After marshaling a wealth of evidence documenting
the hypocrisy and vindictiveness of many Yale faculty members and administrators,
Robin concludes, Although they see themselves as
the bearers of an exalted tradition of humane learning—which envisions
in education an ameliorative path to freedom and progress—they are ineluctably
pulled by a not-so-exalted tradition of elitism. . . . [D]espite their
best intentions, the faculty float every day further and further from
the spirit of Socrates, Mill and Freud. It's not that they don't care
about ideas. It's just that for them a job at Yale is an idea.
(121-122) 6. This
explanation pinpoints the psychology of privilege and defensiveness that
can infect the "liberal" practitioners of an inherently conservative discipline,
and the class panic that frequently ensues when they believe the foundation
of their privilege is threatened. This astonishing blindness to the contradictions
between their ostensible beliefs and their lived behavior is more than
just psychologists forgetting psychology and historians forgetting history—it's
symptomatic of a common university power dynamic. At bottom, this dynamic
is based on the assumption that university employees are combatants in
a zero-sum game in which the adjunct's medical plan equals the full-timer's
semester of release time. 7. Even
when faculty can be disabused of these notions, there are other problems
that face them, as Joel Westheimer's essay demonstrates. In a move than
can only be described as colossally stupid, NYU denied Westheimer tenure
and subsequently fired him after he had accumulated an impeccable and
well-documented record of teaching and scholarship with the sole exception
(from the NYU administration's point of view) of his pro-union activities
on behalf of graduate employees. After his firing, an outcry from his
colleagues at NYU and across the country led the National Labor Relations
Board to charge NYU with illegally firing Westheimer. The irony of this
scorched-earth management strategy is not lost on Westheimer. Unwilling
to spend a relative pittance on improving grad employee conditions, NYU
instead spent millions 8. What
both the Yale and NYU accounts have in common, Westheimer points out,
is that although these experiences seem like extreme cases, the basis
for them is structurally embedded in the administrative makeup of the
modern corporate university, and often appears in more subtle and insidious
forms. Corporatism and anti-unionism go hand in hand in the academy as
well as in the private sector. As Westheimer writes: "When the weeding
[out of non-conforming faculty] is completed, the anti-intellectual mission
of the corporate university becomes clearest. The bottom line is raised
to the top. Research that promotes the financial and hierarchical health
of the administration is rewarded, and independent scholarly thought is
punished. Institutions of higher education become ones of education for
hire" (134-135). Westheimer's courageous battle with this insidious anti-intellectual
corporatism at NYU is genuinely worthy of the Albert Einstein axiom he
cites: "Setting an example is not the main means of influencing
another—it is the only means" (137). 9. Westheimer's
compelling story provides the background for the third section of the
book, "Organizing," which begins with Lisa Jessup's essay "The Campaign
for Union Rights at NYU"—the happy ending to Westheimer's personal legal
battles. After a four-year campaign that ended in 2002, NYU became the
first private university in the country to successfully organize a union.
The list of benefits for graduate employees that ensued is impressive:
a 38% pay increase, full health care coverage, workload protections, and
a fair grievance procedure (146). Jessup describes in detail NYU's effectively
strategized and marketed campaign, 10. The
darker side of Jessup's story is found in "Democracy Is an Endless Organizing
Drive" by Michael Brown, Ronda Copher, and Katy Gray Brown. This essay
recounts the 1999 failure of the graduate student organizing drive at
the University of Minnesota. Demonstrating considerably less logistical,
media, and political savvy than their NYU counterparts (albeit in a larger,
more diffuse, and more difficult university setting) the Minnesota organizers
present a cautionary lesson in the mistakes to avoid in a union campaign.
The lessons that emerge are to never feel secure until the union is recognized,
to maintain momentum throughout the drive, and most importantly, to recognize
one can't be paranoid enough about the university's ability to mount a
sudden and massive resistance. Although the authors acknowledge they made
many mistakes during the drive, they also find it disturbing that students
seemed unable to distinguish truth from craftily marketed fiction: "Democratic
organizers of all stripes should be deeply troubled by the inability of
Grandson's face-to-face organizing to triumph over a blitzkrieg of misinformation.
The work of hundreds of committed students over three years was undermined
by a handful of busters with access to resources and a computer" (187).
While the burst of anti-union activity before the final vote could hardly
have been unexpected to experienced unionizers (which, unfortunately,
most of the Minnesota leaders were not), the specifics of the anti-union
group's underhanded tactics (which were probably covertly subsidized by
the university) might have been a surprise. Although the mistakes of the
Minnesota campaign are clear enough in hindsight, the all-too-human errors
of complacency, overconfidence, and strategic miscalculation are 11. Cary
Nelson describes a different type of battle, this one from within the
system. In his essay, Nelson recounts his long struggle as a member of
the Modern Language Association's Executive Council to commission a discipline-wide
survey of part-time faculty salaries and benefits. The title of the essay,
"Moving River Barges," is a reminder of how slowly large professional
organizations like the MLA shift directions, even with the ongoing efforts
of highly committed agents of change within their leadership structures.
While the primary target of Nelson's ire is an entrenched MLA senior leadership
that is seemingly unwilling to accept the changes to the profession of
the last few decades, member apathy (an average of 20% voter turnout for
major elections) is also a problem for those who would enlist the organization
for progressive purposes. In the end, though, Nelson tells a tale of triumph—the
survey was finally commissioned, the results posted, and institutions
that had deliberately hidden their embarrassingly low pay and benefits
found themselves on the other side of market pressure in their search
for qualified part-time faculty. Using this survey as the impetus for
a region-by-region leveling upwards in salaries and benefits for part-time
faculty is the most encouraging story in the collection—Nelson gives himself
and his fellow advocates of the survey too little credit for how much
they actually accomplished in this seemingly mundane world of board meetings
and council politics. As impressive and exciting as the organizing movements
were at NYU and Yale, Nelson's example of cannily using the discipline's
own tools to force it to publicly own up to its labor practices appears
to be a far more effective engine for truly wide-ranging reform—reform
available to education workers unable to support a union movement for
legal, political, or other reasons.
|