|
1. "In June 1965 a very small group went to the steps of the Pentagon to picket
against the war in Vietnam. Within moments of our arrival we were surrounded by
military policemen incredulous that a handful of people would undertake so
obviously ineffectual an action. `You don't understand,' I replied with all the
dignity I could muster, `we are just the first of thousands.' (As it turned
out, we
were.)"
2. That's the first paragraph of Staughton Lynd's new book, and its texture, the
careful, modest statement of fact slipping into the personal testimony, the calm
sense of principle that scrupulously insists on the role of chance, is the best
possible illustration of the book's virtues. Lynd's collection of essays is both
profoundly moving and intellectually rigorous, and it provides both a concise,
generously readable account of how the working people got into this fix
(you know
the one,) and a truly inspiring sense that we can and will get out of it.
3. The book is better read than described. Its twelve essays flow carefully
together,
even though the topics vary from contemporary problems in organizing
factories to
the relevance of Christian, specifically Quaker, thought to a left
practice, with
stops for E.P. Thompson, Rosa Luxemburg, and a cogent and radical
redefinition of
the idea of property rights. Always Lynd is reasonable, compassionate, "a man
speaking to men." It is this voice (no better word) which holds the book
together,
a gift in its own right.
4.I think Lynd's prose here is as clear and strong as Orwell's in HOMAGE TO
CATALONIA. This insistence on transparency and simplicity may not recommend
the book to academics who are used to, say, Jameson's pitiless
gear-grinding or
Foucault's Cheshire Cat impersonations, but even professional dialecticians
should
admit that the plain style has its uses. Take Bill Clinton. The only thing more
appalling that his administration's utter contempt for the interests of working
people must be the contortions that the liberal media (Not Gingrich's hydra-
headed myth, but the puny liberal media that we actually do have: The NATION,
DISSENT, etc.) performs in order to free the Fearful Leader from moral
responsibility for his own policies. Remember when it was all Dick Morris's
fault?
Remember the closet New Dealer who would show up for the second term? Or
should we focus on the issues? Speaking of which, how are you enjoying Universal
Health Care? Lost in this gibberish is the possibility that the
administration is
SUCCESSFULLY carrying out its agenda. The problem is that this agenda is
harmful to the vast majority of the population. Lynd puts it better:
5. "As a candidate, Bill Clinton ran on a program of `jobs'. But the fundamental
goal of President Clinton's administration is not to create jobs. It is to
help firms
based in the united states compete and make profits in the international
market[.]"
6. There are two striking aspects to this passage. It is absolutely
correct, and it can
be understood by a clever ten-year old. That so many prominent liberal and left
intellectuals seem not to understand it suggests. . .something. But beyond
that, it
shows the how valuable this book is in its dignified adherence to first
principles.
Lynd is willing to name the enemy: Capitalism. For him, the story of these
years of
retrenchment, falling wages, "labor-management cooperation," and "ending welfare
as we know it" is not proof of socialism's irrelevance, but evidence of its
necessity,
and a reminder of how much of the spirit that animated the popular struggles of
the 1930's (or the 1960's, if you prefer) we have let pass away. Lynd is too
committed to allow himself despair, but one cannot read the work without a sense
of his anguish at how much left thought and culture has deteriorated in his
lifetime, at least insofar as it is directly useful to working people in
their self-
organization and self-assertion. For someone like me, for whom this era of
diminished expectations is simply the only one I have known, Lynd's essays here
on Freedom Summer, the IWW, or the early years of the Soviet Union are
revelatory; not only because they demonstrate how much of this history has been
obscured by propaganda (who says the Democratic and Republican parties never
work together and forge a lasting consensus?) but because they are written
not to
explain respectively why what DID happen was what HAD TO happen, but to show
the sense of possibility that was alive at these particular moments. That
the story
of the IWW is ultimately one of defeat is true; but it is also a story of
working
people discovering their own ideas and organizational forms through a
practice of
solidarity. The IWW may have lived in the 1930's, but Lynd makes one
understand how much it foreshadowed 1968: "Be realistic-Demand the
impossible."
7. Many things seem impossible to the left in 1998. We have grown timid,
"pragmatic" in our demands. Staughton Lynd asks that we speak at the top of our
lungs once again-not simply for our own spiritual hygiene, but because his
lifelong
study of working class history has convinced him that IT WORKS. Again and again
in the book, he shows the possibilities of a unified theory and practice
which is "as
radical as reality." Nowhere is this more striking than in his essay on workers'
reaction to the dismantling of the steel industries in Youngstown and
Pittsburgh.
8. Lynd has worked as a labor lawyer in Youngstown for many years, and so
is well
placed to tell this story. Between 1977 and 1980, Youngstown's entire steel
industry was shut down. As it had been the second largest steel town in the
country, the effects were predictably catastrophic. The community's reaction,
however, was virtually without precedent. Over the course of several years, a
popular movement developed which went far beyond simply demanding jobs or
welfare for the displaced workers. The people of Youngstown went further than
that, further than our model of business unionism has ever gone: They
articulated a
series of legal challenges to the notion of private ownership and control
itself.
Later, displaced steelworkers in Pittsburgh would do the same thing, asking the
courts to allow them to take over and operate the mills that their corporate
masters had shut down. The interlocking arguments that they used can't really be
summarized here, but no one who reads Lynd's account of them, and of the
tenacity with which they were developed and argued, will ever doubt the
potential
of a working class to speak for itself and act for itself, apart from, or
in opposition
to the professional union bureaucrats and "liberal" intellectuals who
presume to
speak for them.
9. Were the Youngstown and Pittsburgh movements successful? Not on their own
terms. But they offer a possibility for spontaneous popular organizing
which could
be replicated in a thousand cities, with a hundred thousand "leaders,"
until they
could not fail. In the same way, Staughton Lynd offers not only a great
volume of
political writings, but an assurance that each of us can articulate our
experiences,
and our hope, sometimes serene, sometimes desperate, that the game is not yet
over, and that sanity may yet win. A review like this can only suggest "Go
get it
and read it for yourself." Lynd's work is requires no justification that
the last
twenty-five years do not provide. What he writes of Simone Weil functions just
as well as a description of his own work and, it seems fair to say, his self:
10."One comes away from encounter with Simone Weil refreshed in the belief
that a small piece of good work, for instance, a single life well lived, makes a
difference."
Paul Murphy, University of California, Berkeley
|
by PaulMurphy
|